1.3 What Do Economists Do?
Economic outcomes in society result from decisions made by millions of people within that society’s framework of economic and political institutions. Producers and consumers of goods and services and owners of resources make economic choices that influence not just their own economic well-being but also that of society and its members. When you decide to purchase one good rather than another, save part of your income, or enter an occupation, your choice becomes part of the market process that helps determine society’s economic outcomes. In a market economy, your choices are constrained only by your income, your abilities, and the institutions of society—laws, rules, and regulations. For a market economy to best fulfill its basic function of coordinating economic activity to produce a good outcome for society, that market economy’s legal and institutional framework must contain three key elements: well-specified property rights, contract law, and the rule of law.
If the legal and institutional framework of a market economy is missing one or more of the basic components listed below, the economy will not produce the level of economic well-being for people that would be possible if all the components are present. If one or more components are absent, there will be less innovation, risk-taking, and investment. There will also be more corruption, fewer goods and services produced, and lower economic growth rates.
Well-specified property rights – In a market economy, people must be able to make decisions about the use of their property. In the United States, property rights based on English common law were brought from Great Britain with the first colonial settlers and have remained largely unchanged. The right to own and use property is protected by the U.S. Constitution, and includes the right to inherit, sell, convey by will, and waste. If you own a piece of land in the United States, your ownership is perpetual as long as you pay your property taxes. While local zoning ordinances may restrict how you can use your land, the land cannot be taken from you without due legal process. If you pay your property taxes, there are very limited circumstances in which the government can take your land, and if it does, it must pay you fair market value. This kind of property right is called fee simple ownership. Other countries with capitalist market economies (economies in which all categories of economic resources are privately owned) have similar property rights. Property rights in China’s socialist market economy are different. In that economy, all urban land is owned by the government, and all rural land is owned by village collectives. While individuals can own capital, land must be leased from the state for a specific period of time: 40 years for industrial property, 50 years for commercial property, and 70 years for residential property. If you lease land in China, you can use and derive profit from it (for example, by growing crops or running a factory), but you cannot sell the land, leave it to your heirs, or convey it by will. This kind of property right is called usufruct ownership. Even usufruct ownership in China is weak since the government can easily invalidate urban leases or remove rural land ownership rights if doing so is deemed to be in the public interest. The absence of full ownership rights over property and uncertainty over usufruct leases result in less innovation, less maintenance, and shorter-run planning than is the case with fee simple ownership.
Contract law – In order for a market economy to function, individuals must be able to engage in legal contracts in which each side of the contract is obligated to perform some action. For example, one party may be obligated to deliver to the other party on or by a specific date one hundred smartphones, and the other party is obligated to pay $50,000 upon delivery ($500 per phone). In the United States, the enforcement of contracts is guaranteed by the Constitution. Contract law, or business law in general contexts, provides for an orderly process of buying and selling goods, services, and resources.
The rule of law – The rule of law is the legal principle that law, not the arbitrary decisions of government officials, should govern a nation. The idea is that every citizen is subject to the law, even the lawmakers themselves: “Everyone is under the law; no one is above the law.” The rule of law is important for a market economy because it creates confidence in the rules of the economic game. Economic players can expect that the rules will be enforced and that bad actors will be penalized. The following three conditions are at the heart of the rule of law.
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Everyone can know the laws - Laws are written and can be known before decisions are made. There are no secret laws. Laws cannot be changed after the fact (no ex post facto laws).
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Everyone can know the penalties for breaking the laws - There are written sentencing guidelines for all categories of crimes at all levels of government.
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If you are found guilty of breaking the law, you will pay the appropriate penalty - Everyone, no matter their social position or economic status, is subject to the same laws and penalties.
The rule of law as a formal concept has been most widely used in English-speaking countries, but it is recognized globally as an important component of a well-functioning society and economy. Nobel Laureate economist Friedrich Hayek analyzed the importance of the rule of law in the market economy, the idea that individuals operating within the rules of the game can pursue their own interests, including long-run investment and planning, with minimum risk of damage to their economic returns by bad actors or arbitrary government action.
Economic Science
To understand a system as complex as a market economy, in which millions of economic agents interact with each other within the framework of legal and economic institutions, economists approach their subject with the same scientific objectivity as do geneticists, astrophysicists, and chemists. Like these natural scientists, economists observe the world, develop theories, then use data and statistical methods to provide evidence for or against their theories.
Thinking of economics as a science may seem somewhat strange to you since we usually picture scientists as people wearing white coats, working in a laboratory, and using equipment like microscopes or telescopes. Yet, the economist attempting to understand the effects of a change in federal income tax rates on national output and employment uses the same framework of analysis as does a biologist attempting to understand how meadow jumping mice survive hibernation at less than 5% of normal metabolism. In both cases, the framework of analysis is the scientific method.
The Scientific Method
The interaction between observation and theory provides the basis for the scientific method. Through observation, scientists identify regularities in the world that may be cause-effect relationships. A famous example is the story of Sir Isaac Newton, the scientist and mathematician whose 17th-century observation of an apple falling from a tree supposedly caused him to develop the theory of gravity. The observation of other falling objects showed the wide application of Newton’s theory. Supported by further observation, the theory was generalized to apply to objects throughout the universe. Although it was later shown that some physical interactions cannot be understood using Newton’s theory, it worked well enough to become the foundation of classical physics.
Economists also use the interaction between observation and theory to identify and understand cause-effect relationships in the economic world. For example, Adam Smith noticed that the general price increases (inflation) in Europe in the 16th and early 17th centuries corresponded to the massive export of gold and silver from America to Spain and other parts of Europe during the same period. Since gold and silver constituted international money, Smith suggested that the European inflation was caused by an increase in the money supply. The relationship between the importation of precious metals and general price increases had been noted earlier by others, and later observation of the rapid inflation that accompanied the massive printing of paper money—for example, during the American Revolution and Civil War—convinced economists to accept the quantity theory of money, the idea that increases in a country’s money supply lead to proportional increases in the general level of prices. Although economists today recognize that changes in the quantity of money and in prices are not strongly correlated in the short run, careful analysis of data from many countries shows that money growth rates and inflation rates are highly correlated over time. Hence, the process of observation, theory, and further observation has led economists to understand that if the government prints too much money, inflation will result.
Economists are at a disadvantage in using the scientific method. Unlike most natural scientists, who can test their theories using controlled experiments in laboratories, economists—especially macroeconomists—cannot easily conduct such experiments. While some economists conduct small-scale microeconomic experiments under controlled circumstances, governments do not let economists experiment on existing economies for the purpose of testing theories. How, then, do economists test their theories if the data they observe is not the result of a controlled experiment?
There are two ways in which economists can compensate for the inability to conduct controlled experiments. One way is to identify the natural experiments that result from historical circumstances. The development of the quantity theory of money as a systematic explanation of inflation is a good example. Periods of significant increases in money growth through the importation of precious metals and periods of high rates of money growth through printing paper money, in contrast to normal periods of little or no monetary growth, were natural experiments for economists interested in testing the theory that increases in money growth rates would lead to increases in inflation rates. In more recent times, there have been several natural experiments involving the impact on national living standards of large changes in the prices of petroleum products. These changes include the significant increases in world oil prices after the formation of the OPEC cartel in 1973, the significant decreases in the 1980s, and the more recent sharp reductions in oil and natural gas prices resulting from greatly increased production in the United States and Canada as well as from increased production in OPEC countries as they attempted to protect their market shares. These natural experiments provide data supporting the economic theory that decreases in world petroleum prices depress living standards in countries that are net exporters of petroleum products and raise living standards in countries that are net importers of petroleum products.
Even if there are no large changes in economic conditions of the kind we would classify as natural experiments, economists can still test their economic theories using the sophisticated statistical analysis of econometrics. This tool allows economists to analyze cause-effect relationships in a complex economic environment where many variables are changing at the same time, even if the variables experience only modest changes. For example, suppose an economist wishes to test the theory that increases in per capita income will result in increases in per capita saving. However, the theory also says that changes in interest rates and changes in wealth affect saving. If income, interest rates, wealth, and saving are all changing at once, it may seem extremely difficult or impossible to determine if increases in income cause increases in saving. Fortunately, econometric analysis allows the economist to identify the independent effect of an increase in per capita income on per capita saving, even if interest rates and wealth are also changing—similar to conducting a controlled experiment. In addition, the econometric tool allows the economist to estimate the quantitative impact of a small change in per capita income on per capita saving. The analysis of the impact of small changes is called marginal analysis, and it is economists’ most useful analytic method. The statistical tool of econometrics and the mathematical tool of calculus are specifically designed to perform marginal analysis.
The modern scientific method has a formal name: the hypothetico-deductive method of scientific inquiry. This formidable-sounding name simply means that the scientist uses deductive logic to derive hypotheses to be tested. Deductive logic denotes a logical process in which a general law or rule is applied to a specific case or example. A hypothesis is an “If-Then” statement, for example, “If A happens, then B will happen.” Another name for a hypothesis is a theory. The formal steps in the scientific method are as follows:
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Choose assumptions and initial conditions - An assumption is a generalization or an abstraction from reality, not a “true” statement. It is chosen to help simplify a complex world. An initial condition is an “either-or” situation, for example, male-female, day-night, over age 21-under age 21, etc.
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Based on assumptions and initial conditions, derive a testable hypothesis using only deductive logic - In order for the hypothesis “If A happens, then B will happen” to be testable, both A and B must correspond to something that can be observed in the real world.
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Test the hypothesis using empirical data - Empirical data means data observed in the real world.1
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Based on the test, either reject the hypothesis or fail to reject it - Modern scientists are falsificationists rather than verificationists. It is easier to falsify a hypothesis than to verify it. It only takes one rejection to falsify (disprove) a hypothesis; hence, to verify (prove) a hypothesis, the scientist would have to test every possible case, likely an impossible task.
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If, after repeated testing, the hypothesis is never rejected, tentatively accept the hypothesis as a “law.” - Even if a hypothesis is tested thousands of times and never rejected, it hasn’t been proven true. Although there is a large amount of evidence in favor of the hypothesis, it could—at least theoretically—be proven false. Therefore, it is tentatively accepted.
Assumptions
The world is a very complicated place—so complicated that scientists cannot understand it just by looking at it. This is true of the economic world as well as the natural world. Faced with such complexity, scientists use assumptions to help simplify the world to the point where important cause-effect relationships can be identified and understood. For example, if you ask a chemist at what temperature water boils, she may respond that water boils at 212 degrees F or 100 degrees C. In this answer, she is assuming that the boiling point is being measured at the air pressure of one atmosphere, often equated with the average air pressure at sea level. She is also assuming that the water is pure. Salt water, for example, boils at higher temperatures than does pure water. Without these simplifying assumptions, the answer would have to be, “It depends.” In particular, it depends on the elevation of the place the water is boiled and on the other determinants of air pressure at that time and place: temperature, humidity, and storm patterns. It also depends on the kind and quantity of any impurities in the water.
Economists must also use simplifying assumptions to help them understand a complex economic environment. For example, in analyzing factors that determine international trade patterns, economists often start with the assumptions that there are only two countries in the world, that they produce and trade only two products, and that they use only two categories of economic resources to produce those products. Economists also may assume that there are no costs to transport goods between the countries. Additional simplifying assumptions are often made about the quantities of resources, the kind of technology, and the preferences of consumers in the two countries. The particular set of assumptions used depends on the causal relationship the economist is trying to understand. Even though the theory that results from these simplifying assumptions is based on an imaginary world of two countries, economists have found that the basic insights that come from this 2 × 2 × 2 world are also applicable to the real economic world of many countries, many traded goods, and many kinds of resources.
It should be obvious from these examples that assumptions are not true statements about the world. Rather, they are simplifications of reality or abstractions from reality that allow scientists to ignore many complicating factors and concentrate on only one or a few important causal factors as they try to understand cause-effect relationships in the real world. People sometimes claim that a particular scientific theory is not a good theory because the assumptions upon which it is based are not “true.” If this were the measure of whether theories are good or bad, there would be no good theories. The proper test of an assumption is not whether it is true or false but whether it is useful in helping the scientist develop a good theory. In commenting on theories, people sometimes say, “That is good in theory, but not in practice.” A theory that is not good in practice is not a good theory. A good theory is one that allows scientists to explain past events or predict future events in the real world; the best theories do both.
Economics is a behavioral science. Economic outcomes are the result of the behavior of millions of consumers, producers, and resource owners whose choices are coordinated by the market and influenced by the institutions of society. There are many motivations of all kinds that influence the behavior of individuals in an economy—so many, in fact, that economists cannot even know what they all might be, nor how they might affect behavior. Economists cut through this complexity by making a simplifying behavioral assumption, namely, that people always base their decisions only on their economic self-interest. This assumption is not a true statement about the world. Sometimes, people make selfless decisions. For example, on the morning of September 11, 2001, as the terrorist attack in New York City began, city firefighters and police officers were changing shifts. Hundreds of firefighters from both shifts ran into the burning towers to try to save people they didn’t know. What they did know was the significant probability that they would die in the effort. In fact, 343 firefighters and 60 police officers were killed that day, including a great many who were not even on duty. None of them were behaving in their narrow economic interest. You can probably think of times when you made decisions that were not in your own economic interest. Yet, people apparently behave in their economic self-interest enough of the time for the assumption that they will always do so to be extremely useful in helping economists understand cause-effect relationships in the economy. It is hard to find a theory in economics that is based on a different behavioral assumption.
The assumption that economic decision-makers always behave in their narrow economic interest is the basis for the development of microeconomic theory. Imagine an economist trying to understand what causes the price of his breakfast cereal, Wheaties, to change. He knows that the economic world is so interdependent and so complicated that he cannot even identify—let alone understand—most of the events, motivations, decisions, and connections throughout the world that might influence the price of Wheaties in his city. However, because he understands the role of assumptions in the scientific method, he knows how to proceed.
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He chooses the behavioral assumption of self-interest and the initial condition of scarcity.
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Based on the assumption of self-interest and the condition of scarcity, he derives several testable hypotheses about the way markets work, using only deductive logic. One of the hypotheses is that in a market, if the price of a product increases, then the quantity demanded of the product will decrease, other things equal.
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He tests the hypothesis using empirical data that he has collected from several markets, and he uses econometrics to test the hypothesis.
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Based on his tests, he fails to reject the hypothesis.
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After repeated testing, he has never rejected the hypothesis, so he tentatively accepts it as a “law” of economics. The economist tests the hypothesis thousands of times and never once rejects it. The statement, “In a market, if the price of a product increases, then the quantity demanded of the product will decrease, other things equal,” is called the law of demand.
How has the behavioral assumption of self-interest allowed the economist to understand the way markets work in the real world? In using the self-interest assumption, the economist is asking the question, “If the only thing that motivated people was self-interest, how would markets work?” Through the use of the scientific method, he has found the answer: “If the only thing that motivated people was self-interest, markets would work almost exactly the way they work in the real world.” This means that the economist can confidently use the simplified theory of markets based on self-interest to explain and predict phenomena in complex, real-world markets. This example illustrates the process by which the scientific method, based on simplifying assumptions, allows economists and other scientists to learn more about the way the real world works.
Models
In earth science classes, teachers use models to identify the basic layers of the earth: the crust, mantle, outer core, and inner core. The model may be simply a two-dimensional drawing in the text or on the whiteboard, or it may be a plastic sphere that can be opened to show each of the succeeding layers, represented as smooth, nested concentric spheres. The model, painted to show the position of the oceans and continents, is a simplified representation of the actual earth. For example, the actual layers of the earth are not perfect spheres but have varying thicknesses; the crust of the earth is not smooth but has irregular mountains and valleys and is fractured into tectonic plates that constantly move; the mantle has several layers. Although the model is not an accurate representation of the earth, its depiction of the basic layers of the earth has the advantage of being simple enough to help students understand the relative positions and functions of those layers.
Economists also use models to increase their understanding of the economic world, but they are not like the plastic models used in geology. Economists’ models usually consist of diagrams and mathematical equations, but they can also be simple verbal models. In this course, most of the models are diagrams based on mathematical equations. The production possibilities frontier diagrams in Section 2.2 and the supply and demand diagrams in Section 3.5 are examples of such models. The chapter on GDP uses a simple verbal model of the economy to illustrate the interactions among important economic sectors. These models represent economic theories that economists have developed and tested using the scientific method. The theories themselves are based on simplified assumptions, and the models are often simplified representations of the theories. Because of their simplicity, the economic models used in this text are effective in helping students understand the key relationships and interactions that determine the outcome of economic activity.
Economic Policy
If you are interested in economic events or news in general, you may be aware of how frequently economists are asked to explain the causes of economic events or conditions. These questions may include, “What caused the financial crisis of 2008 and the Great Recession that followed?” or “Why are women still paid less than men?” or “Why has the growth rate of the Chinese economy fallen significantly over the last decade?” Economists answer these questions based on their scientific understanding of how the economic world works.
Likewise, economists are often asked to make forecasts about future economic trends or events. These questions include, “How will the trend in world petroleum prices affect the U.S. economy and U.S. oil and gas producers?” or “How will the adoption of a digital currency affect the position of the U.S. dollar in world economic and financial markets?” or “How will the Russia-Ukraine war affect the post-war growth rates of the two countries?” These questions are considerably more difficult since they require economists to make assumptions about the future course of related geopolitical and economic conditions in addition to using their understanding of economic cause-effect relationships. Wise economists begin the answer to these questions with “if” or “assuming.” Economists are also asked to recommend policies to improve economic outcomes for society or for groups within society. These questions include, “What should the government do to increase the rate of economic growth?” or “What policies would best help reduce the number of children living in poverty?” or “What is the best way to ensure that people who have paid into the Social Security retirement program will receive their promised benefits?” When economists are explaining the causes of economic outcomes, they are acting as scientists. When they are identifying ways to help improve economic outcomes, they are acting as policy advisors.
Positive Economics and Normative Economics
In the middle of the 18th century, the Scottish philosopher and economic thinker David Hume asserted that “you cannot deduce ought from is,” meaning that value judgments (what you think should be) cannot be based only on facts (what is). Today, economists use Hume’s idea to distinguish between positive economics (economic science) and normative economics (economic policy). In economics, positive statements are descriptive; they try to describe the world the way it is. Normative statements are prescriptive; they try to describe the world the way the person thinks it ought to be. The following statements about tariffs illustrate the difference.
Alice: If a country imposes a tariff, the country’s economic surplus will fall.
John: The government should impose tariffs on imported oil.
Alice’s statement is positive, the result of economic science. John’s statement is normative and is influenced by John’s value judgments. When economists make positive statements, they are speaking as scientists; when they make normative statements, they are speaking as policy advisors. The distinction between positive and normative statements is very important. Economic science provides a mechanism (the scientific method) to check the validity of positive science, but no such mechanism exists to check the validity of normative statements. Because they involve value judgments or opinions as well as facts, normative statements cannot be judged solely on the basis of data analysis.
Economists as Policy Advisors
Economists play key roles as advisors in the executive and legislative branches of government. Perhaps the most visible advisory role is the President’s Council of Economic Advisors (CEA), which exists to advise the president of the United States on economic policy. The CEA consists of a three-person council with a staff of a few dozen professional economists. Traditionally, the council members represent expertise in macroeconomics, microeconomics, and international economics. In addition, executive branch departments and government agencies of all kinds hire economists to help them formulate their set of economic policies. In the legislative branch, Congress uses the expertise of economists at the Congressional Budget Office to evaluate policy proposals. Individual members of the House and Senate often hire economists to advise them on the economic impacts of proposed legislation. The Federal Reserve employs several economists to analyze economic conditions in the U.S. and foreign countries.
Economists in these policy advisory positions should be careful not to blur the line between their own normative value judgments and their expertise as positive economic scientists. The proper role of the economist as policy advisor is to present to the policymaker with the likely economic effects of alternative economic policies, as identified through positive economic analysis. The normative policy decision should properly be made by the elected or appointed policymaker, based on the positive information supplied by the economic advisor. What the policy advisor should not do is imply that her own normative policy preference is simply the positive result of economic science. The following imaginary conversation between the president and his economic advisor illustrates the proper role of an economist as a policy advisor.
The President: Laura, three weeks ago, I asked you to work with your colleagues and staff to determine the possible policies we could use to balance the federal budget within the next eight years. Do you have your report?
The Advisor: Yes, Mr. President. We have identified three alternative policy combinations that we think will balance the budget within eight years, along with the economic costs associated with each policy alternative (the advisor then describes each policy combination).
The President: Which policy package should we use?
The Advisor: Before you choose a policy, you should know the economic costs associated with each alternative.
The President: Tell me.
The Advisor: Each policy package will balance the budget, but policy A will cause the unemployment rate to be higher by 1% per year for the next eight years, policy B will cause the inflation rate to be higher by 1% per year for the next eight years, and policy C will cause the rate of economic growth to be lower by 0.5% per year for the next eight years, other things equal.
The President: Okay. Which policy package should we use?
The Advisor: Mr. President, with all due respect, it is your responsibility to make the policy decision. That is what you were elected to do.
The President: Come on, Laura. You’re my economic advisor. Advise me.
The Advisor: All right, I have had some experience in these matters, and I have an opinion. However, you need to know that my opinion is based on my own experience and value judgments, and not only on the positive economic analysis that we conducted.
The President: Which policy combination would you choose, and why?
The Advisor: I would choose policy package B because, in my opinion, a slightly higher rate of inflation is less damaging to the economy than either a slightly higher unemployment rate or a slightly lower rate of economic growth.
The President: Do the other members of the CEA, Allen and Joe, agree with you?
The Advisor: Yes, Mr. President, perhaps because we attended the same graduate program and have had similar professional experiences.
The President: Thanks, Laura. I will consider your advice.
How much influence do economists exert as scientists and policy advisors? The great economist John Maynard Keynes, father of macroeconomics, believed economists’ policy influence was very large and came as a result of both their scientific research and their roles as policy advisors. In 1935, he wrote the following:
The ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and when they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed, the world is ruled by little else. Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from intellectual influences, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist. Madmen in authority, who hear voices in the air, are distilling their frenzy from some academic scribbler of a few years back.2
The situation hasn’t changed since Keynes wrote these words. Many economists, including Keynes, continue to have a large impact on public policy, both directly and indirectly.
Why Do Economists Disagree?
There is not much disagreement among economists on positive economic analysis. After all, the scientific method provides a proven way to test economic theories. Though economists may occasionally disagree over which alternative economic theory is most accurate or applicable in a specific situation, most disagreement is over normative policy issues. Even over those issues, there is not as much disagreement as people may think. On some important policy issues, such as international trade policy and price controls, there is little difference of opinion among economists. Policy disagreements are usually the result of different value judgments, which may represent different political philosophies; different ethical, moral, religious, or philosophical beliefs; or different life experiences.
Moving Ahead
In this chapter, you have learned some basic ideas about the field of economics and about what economists do. In the next two chapters, you will learn the fundamental economic principles of analysis that help explain economic interactions in a market economy: efficiency, exchange, supply, and demand. An understanding of these principles will increase your ability to think like an economist.
John Maynard Keynes thought that economics was not a particularly difficult subject but one at which few people really excelled. His explanation of this seeming paradox was that to excel at economics, the economist must possess a rare combination of gifts: “He must be mathematician, historian, statesman, philosopher—in some degree.” Keynes continued, “he must understand symbols and speak in words. He must contemplate the particular in terms of the general, and touch abstract and concrete in the same flight of thought.” Finally, “He must study the present in light of the past for the purpose of the future.”3
As you continue your study of economics and begin to think more and more like an economist, you may approach the high standard Keynes suggests. This text is designed to help you proceed toward that goal.
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